Because of
the differing interests listed in my previous post,, delegates do not line up on as neat a
spectrum on north-south issues as they do on centralization. But they do make a rather rough spectrum,
with many uneasy exceptions.
Anti-Slavery Delegates
I place two
kinds of delegates in this category, the ones who expressed serious moral
opposition to slavery (some of whom had a southern outlook on other issues) and
ones who took a northern position across the board, even if they did not take a
strong moral stand.
Gouverneur Morris: The strongest denunciation came from the
least democratic-minded and most cynical of the delegates. Gouverneur Morris said:
[T]he inhabitant of
Georgia and S.C. who goes to the Coast of Africa, and in defiance of the most
sacred laws of humanity tears away his fellow creatures from their dearest
connections & damns them to the most cruel bondages shall have more votes
in a Govt instituted for the protection of the rights of mankind, than the
citizen of Pa or N. Jersey who views with laudable horror so nefarious a
practice. He would add that slavery is
the most prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed
Constitution. The vassalage of the poor
has ever been the favorite offspring of Aristocracy.
This speech may be an implied challenge to
Virginians and perhaps other southerners who might considered Morris as an advocate
or aristocracy – at least he didn’t own human beings or come from a region that
(generally) condoned the practice. One
of Morris’s “aristocratic” viewpoints, which he shared with the Deep Southern
South Carolinians was that he favored representation by wealth rather than by
population. But the South Carolinians
wanted to include slaves in representation because they were a source of
wealth. Morris argued that, on the contrary,
slaves were a source of poverty:
Travel thro’ ye whole
Continent & you behold the prospect continually varying with the appearance
and disappearance of slavery. The moment
you leave ye E. Sts [New England] & enter New York, the effects of the
institution become visible, passing thro’ the Jerseys & entering Pa every
criterion of superior improvement witness the change. Proceed southwdly & every step you take
thro’ ye great region of slaves presents a desert with ye increasing proportion
of these wretched beings . . . The Houses in this city [Philadelphia] are worth more
than all the wretched slaves which cover the swamps of South Carolina. . . .
[T]he bohea tea used by a Northern freeman, will pay more tax than the whole
consumption of the miserable slave, which consists of nothing more than his
physical subsistence and the rag that covers his nakedness.
This is, incidentally, the only
acknowledgement that slavery was not an exclusively Southern phenomenon, but
also occurred in New York and New Jersey as well. Morris even went so far as to say, “He would
sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the Negroes in the U. State,
than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.” This remark was probably more a flourish than
something meant to be taken literally.
These
remarks were addressed to slave representation, rather than slave
importation. The condemnation of slave
importation is certainly there, but it is secondary. Morris’s real cynicism on that issue becomes
clear in another of his speeches:
[He was] reduced to the dilemma of
doing injustice to the Southern States or to human nature, and he must do it to
the former. For he could never agree to
give such encouragement to the slave trade as would be given by allowing them a
representation of their negroes, and he did not believe those States would ever
confederate on terms that would deprive them of that trade.
The cynicism here is remarkable. Slave trade is murderous and criminal;
everyone agreed on that. Morris is
unwilling to give it indirect encouragement by including slaves in
representation, but takes for granted that slave trade itself will be
allowed. The real proof of his cynicism
is when the issue of slave importation itself was raised, Morris made no such
moral denunciations; he proposed that the provision on slave importation,
export taxes and navigation acts be sent to a committee for a sectional
compromise. When the
compromise was proposed, he did acidly remark that it ought to read
“importation of slaves into N. Carolina, S. Carolina & Georgia shall not be
prohibited,” but by and large he was took his moral
stands where northern interests were at stake; where mere moral principles were
at stake, he was all too quick to cut a deal.
Morris took
a thoroughly Northern view on other sectional issues. He favored allowing a tax on exports, arguing that the North had exports too (lumber, flour, beaver skins) and favored allowing a navigation act by a simple majority
to encourage American shipping and a navy. In a contest between “Eastern” and Southern
states, he made clear that he believed the middle states should take sides with
the North.
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